Rhun son of Urien

Rhun (also spelled Run, Rum) was a son of the warrior-king Urien of Rheged (see post on Urien Rheged).  Unlike the more famous Owain son of Urien (see post on Owain son of Urien) , Rhun did not become a hero of medieval Arthurian romance.  He is mentioned in Historia Brittonum and Annales Cambriae as an important churchman. What can we say about him?

Evidence

Genealogies

Both the Harleian and the Bonedd Gwyr y Gogledd (Descent of the Men of the North) genealogies end with Urien and do not mention any descendants:

[U]rbgen map Cinmarc map Merchianum map Gurgust map Coilhen

--Harleian Genealogies, available online 

Vryen uab Kynuarch m Meirchavn m Gorust Letlvm m Keneu m Coel

--Bonedd Gwyr y Gogledd, available online 

Historia Brittonum

The following Easter Edwin himself received baptism, and twelve thousand of his subjects with him. If any one wishes to know who baptized them, it was Rum Map Urbgen: he was engaged forty days in baptizing all classes of the Saxons, and by his preaching many believed on Christ.

 --Historia Brittonum, chapter 63, available online

Urbgen is the spelling of Urien used in the Harleian genealogies. Rum (also spelled Rhun) son of Urien was presumably a churchman, if he was engaged in baptism and preaching. 

Readers familiar with Bede will have spotted that Bede gives a different account of Edwin/Eadwine’s baptism. More on this in another post.

The Chartres manuscript of Historia Brittonum says in its preface that the compiler used as a source ‘excerpts made by the son of Urien from the Book of St Germanus’ (Clarkson 2010, p 120). Rum or Rhun is the only son of Urien mentioned in the text of Historia Brittonum, so presumably this comment refers to him.

Annales Cambriae

626   Edwin is baptized, and Rhun son of Urien baptized him

--Annales Cambriae, available online

This entry agrees with the statement in Historia Brittonum. The date differs from that given in Bede, who says that the baptism took place in 627 (Book II, Ch. 14). It may be that the compiler of Annales Cambriae copied the information from Historia Brittonum (or vice versa), or that both were drawing on material about Eadwine’s baptism that was not available to, or not used by, Bede.

Llywarch Hen poetry

The medieval manuscript ‘The Red Book of Hergest’ contains several poems attributed to Llywarch Hen (Llywarch the Old).  According to the genealogies, Llywarch was a cousin and approximate contemporary or Urien, and the poem ‘The Death of Urien’ describes Llywarch carrying Urien’s severed head after Urien had been assassinated.  The poem also mentions warfare in the aftermath of Urien’s death:

On Friday I saw great anxiety
Among the hosts of Baptism,
Like a swarm without a hive, bold in despair.

Were there not given to me by Run, greatly fond of war,
A hundred swarms and a hundred shields ?
But one swarm was better far than all.

Were there not given to me by Run, the famous chief,
A cantrev, and a hundred oxen?
But one gift was better far than those.

In the lifetime of Run, the peaceless ranger,
The unjust will wallow in dangers;
May there be irons on the steeds of rapine.

 --Llywarch Hen, The Death of Urien, translation available online 

This passage is followed by a stanza describing attacks on Owain, the son of Urien celebrated in the Taliesin poetry (see post on Owain son of Urien), so it seems likely that Run is also to be understood as a son of Urien, facing enemies after Urien’s death.

Triads

Three Fair Womb Burdens of the Island of Britain:

The second, Owain and Morfudd daughter of Urien and Anarun archbishop of Llydaw, by Modron daughter of Afallach their mother

-- Welsh Triads, available online 

‘Anarun archbishop of Llydaw’ could be a reference to Rum or Rhun ap Urien, who appears as a churchman in Historia Brittonum and Annales Cambriae.  ‘Llydaw’ is the Welsh name for Brittany.  However, an alternative variation of the same Triad mentions only Owain and Morfudd, without ‘Anarun’, so he may be a late addition.

Interpretation

Role

Two sources refer to Rhun in contexts that associate him with the Christian church:

• Historia Brittonum and Annales Cambriae say that he conducted a high-profile baptism;
• Historia Brittonum says he preached Christianity and made many converts;
• The preface of the Chartres manuscript of Historia Brittonum says that it includes extracts made by the son of Urien from the Book of St Germanus.

The consistency between the two sources may indicate no more than copying from each other during the centuries between the events of the late sixth and early seventh century and the final writing of the medieval manuscripts in which both sources have come down to us. Or it may indicate that both were drawing on information preserved in other sources about Rhun’s career.

In addition, one of the Triads refers to a son of Urien (brother of Owain and Morfudd) called ‘Anarun archbishop of Llydaw’.  ‘Anarun’ may be a variant of Rhun or Rum, and describing him as ‘archbishop’ is also consistent with the idea that he was considered to be an important figure in the Christian church. However, ‘Llydaw’ is the Welsh name for Brittany, a curious (although not impossible) location for the son of a north British king. Furthermore, an alternative variation of the same Triad refers only to Morfudd and Owain, without mentioning ‘Anarun’, so I would be cautious about this Triad.  If ‘Anarun’ is intended to be the same figure as the Rhun/Rum mentioned in Historia Brittonum, it is consistent with Rhun having been a churchman of some importance, but I would not put too much weight on it.

Although ‘the son of Urien’ referred to in the preface to the Chartres manuscript is not named, the only son of Urien referred to in the text is Rhun, suggesting that the preface also refers to Rhun.  If so, it would indicate that he was a scholar, which is also consistent with his having been a churchman. 

The poem attributed to Llywarch Hen apparently portrays Rhun in the role of a warrior and ruler, describing him as ‘peaceless ranger’ and ‘the famous chief’.  This is not necessarily inconsistent with Rhun having also had a position in the Christian church. Sigeberht of East Anglia retired to a monastery after he had reigned for a while, and was later recalled for an important battle (Bede Book III Ch. 18). Aldfrith, who became king of Northumbria after Ecgfrith’s death in 685, was also a religious scholar, described by Bede as ‘well-read in the Scriptures’ (Book IV Ch. 26).  Gildas says that Maglocunus (usually identified as Maelgwn of Gwynedd) had entered a monastery for a while before renouncing his vows and becoming king. 

Rhun may also have been both secular ruler and churchman at different times in his life.  Perhaps, like Aldfrith, he was a churchman who was pressed into service at a time of crisis; or perhaps he sought an alternative career in the church after Urien’s death.

The account of Eadwine’s baptism differs from that given by Bede (more on this issue in another post).

Family

Assuming that Rhun son of Urien is also the Rhun named as grandfather of Rhianmellth in Historia Brittonum, Rhun fathered at least one child.  This is also not inconsistent with his having held an important position in the church.  If he entered the church late in life, he may have married and established a family before entering the church. Also, although monks were not permitted to marry, other Christian clergy in post-Roman Britain were allowed to marry and raise families; St Patrick says in his Confessio that his father was a deacon and his grandfather was a priest.

More on Rhianmellth in a later post.

Age

The Llywarch Hen poetry portrays Run as a chieftain and fighter in the aftermath of Urien’s death, implying that he was of fighting age when Urien was killed.  The date of Urien’s death is not known, although as Urien was fighting the sons of Ida at the time, it presumably occurred before Ida’s grandson Aethelferth became king of Bernicia in 593. 

If Rhun was involved in the baptism of Eadwine of Deira/Northumbria in 627, he must have been an adult at the time. As this was a high-profile event and would presumably have been conducted by someone senior, he was probably well into middle age.

This is consistent with a birth date for Rhun somewhere in the third quarter of the sixth century. He cannot have been born much before 550, as otherwise he would have been too old to participate in Eadwine’s baptism in 627 (if he was born in, say, 550, Rhun would have been 77 at the time of Eadwine’s baptism, which would make him a venerable figure but not necessarily too old to take part in a religious ceremony).  At the other end of the range, if Urien’s death occurred close to 593, Rhun would have had to have been born no later than about 578 to be of fighting age by then (if he was born in, say, 578, he would be 15 in 593).  If Urien’s death was earlier, Rhun’s latest plausible birth date would be correspondingly earlier.

It is not known when or how Rhun died.

Conclusion

It seems clear that Rhun son of Urien was considered to have been an important churchman in the early seventh century.  The Llywarch Hen poem implies that he was also a secular ruler and warrior.  He may have held both roles at different times in his life.

It is not known what position Rhun held in the Christian church. If the ‘Anarun archbishop of Llydaw’ in the Triad refers to Rhun, it may indicate that he held a senior position.  This would also be consistent with his involvement in a high-profile baptism ceremony, and with his status as a member of a royal dynasty. He may have been a bishop.  Depending on his age and when he embarked on his clerical career, he could perhaps have been one of the bishops or ‘learned men’ who attended the Synod at Chester in the early seventh century (see earlier post A bishop of Chester? for more information on the synod).

The Llywarch Hen poetry suggests that Rhun was a ruler and warrior in the aftermath of Urien’s death. Whether he was a king of Rheged, and if so, whether he ruled jointly with one or more of Urien’s other sons, is not known.  The political status of Rheged after Urien’s death is uncertain.  It may be significant that the genealogies stop at Urien, which may indicate that he was considered the last significant ruler. Conversely, it may indicate that they were compiled in Urien’s time and not subsequently updated to reflect his descendants. If Rhianmellth was Rhun’s grand-daughter, her marriage to Oswy of Northumbria suggests that the Rheged dynasty still retained a high status in the early seventh century, and may also have retained at least some political and military power.

References

Annales Cambriae, available online

Bede.  Ecclesiastical History of the English People.  Translated by Leo Sherley-Price, Penguin Classics, 1968, ISBN 0-14-044565-X

Bonedd Gwyr y Gogledd, available online 

Clarkson T. The Men of the North. Birlinn, 2010. ISBN 978-1-906566-18-0.

Gildas, On the Ruin and Conquest of Britain, available online

Harleian genealogies, available online 

Historia Brittonum, available online 

Llywarch Hen, The Death of Urien, available online 

St Patrick, Confessio, available online

Welsh Triads, available online 

Post-Roman York: Fishergate

York was an important military, ecclesiastical and political centre in Late Roman Britain.  In the early seventh century it was under royal control of the Anglian (‘Anglo-Saxon’) kings of Deira, and later in the seventh century it developed into a major ecclesiastical centre and the seat of an archbishopric, a status it holds to this day. 

In between, the historical record is a blank.  There are no definite references to York between the fourth century and the seventh century, although there are one or two snippets whose meaning is less than clear (see earlier post on Post-RomanYork: the documentary evidence for a summary of the documentary records).  Evidence from archaeology provides some clues that may help to fill in the gap. In earlier posts I have discussed the headquarters building, the Anglian cremation cemeteries at The Mount and Heworth, the inhumation cemetery at Lamel Hill, and the possible Anglian cemetery at Castle Yard.

The cemetery evidence reviewed in the previous posts indicates that people were dying and being buried in the region around York in the centuries after the end of Roman administration.  What of the living?  It is a curious feature of early medieval England that the dead are much more visible in archaeology than the living.  The early English (‘Anglo-Saxon’) funerary customs of cremation and accompanied inhumation left cemeteries of distinctive pottery cremation urns, brooches, beads and weapons for modern archaeology to find and recognise.  By contrast, early ‘Anglo-Saxon’ settlement sites tend to leave a few post-holes and/or foundation trenches and a scatter of unglamorous domestic  debris such as loom weights, spindle whorls and bits of bone.  Such slight traces are prone to damage by later ploughing or other disturbance, easily missed without skilled excavation, difficult to date and difficult to interpret, particularly in small excavations as the significance of a group of post-holes may only be recognised when they are seen in relation to one another over a wide area.  Even when post-holes and foundation trenches have survived intact and have been excavated over a large enough area to reveal  sufficient of a pattern to be recognised as a building, they preserve at best only the ground plan, which may or may not give much of an idea of the original superstructure (as discussed in an earlier post on the possibilities of timber architecture). Material culture using perishable organic materials such as bone, wood, textiles and leather often does not survive at all – bone disappears in acid soil, wood, textiles and leather decay to nothing except in exceptional circumstances such as a waterlogged site.  Readily dateable artefacts such as coins and pottery are rare or absent until around the beginning of the eighth century, making dating difficult unless sufficient organic material has survived to allow radiocarbon analysis.  So identifying early medieval life is something of a challenge.

Nevertheless, there is some evidence of people living (as well as dying) in the York area in the early medieval period.  The best-known example is the site at 46-54 Fishergate, excavated by York Archaeological Trust in the 1980s (Kemp 1996).

Evidence – 46-54 Fishergate

Fishergate is on the east bank of the River Foss, outside the southern walls of the Roman fortress

Map link

The arrow shows the approximate location of 46-54 Fishergate.  Zoom out to see the site in relation to the rest of York.

In 1985-1986, redevelopment of the site of a former glass factory at 46-54 Fishergate provided an opportunity for archaeological investigation, carried out by York Archaeological Trust (Kemp 1996 p5).  Archaeological deposits had survived on about half the site, in the south-eastern corner, underneath a Victorian factory building with shallow foundations (on the rest of the site, modern factory foundations had removed the archaeological deposits).  Excavation revealed traces of ditches, pits and possible structures dating to around the seventh to ninth centuries.

Possible boundary markers
A curving ditch ran from north to south across the site, narrow and shallow (approximately 0.4 m wide and 0.45 m deep) at the north end and becoming broader and deeper towards the south (approximately 2.1 m wide and 0.7 m deep).  The bottom of the ditch contained a layer of silt deposited in standing or slow-moving water, and a notable absence of remains of insect species that normally live alongside human habitation, although conditions would have been expected to preserve them.  This is interpreted as indicating that the ditch was dug, perhaps to mark a boundary, and then the site left uninhabited for a year or more, long enough for a diverse community of invertebrates to become established naturally.

On top of this silty layer, the ditch had filled up with loamy soil interspersed with charcoal, containing animal bones, debris from antler-working, slag, fragments of glass and a 24-cm length of gold wire.  The ditch fill also contained traces of whipworms (human intestinal parasites), indicating the presence of latrine waste.  So the ditch appears to have become a sort of giant linear rubbish pit for domestic and craft-working waste. Part of a comb made from antler, dated to the seventh or eighth century, and a coin dated to around 700-735 were also found in the ditch fill; the coin was much worn, suggesting that it had been in circulation for a long time before it ended up in the ditch (Kemp 1996, p 18-23).

A line of six large pits ran westward from the south end of the ditch.  Three of the pits contained animal bones, antler-working debris and human parasite eggs, and one also contained a bone sword guard dated to the first half of the 8th century. These may be a line of rubbish pits marking a boundary (Kemp 1996 p. 23-24).

Possible structures
To the west of the curving ditch and north of the line of pits, groups of post-bases (shallow post-holes, possibly the foundations for padstones) and foundation slots indicated traces of several possible structures.

Structure 1 was rectangular, 5.5m wide and between 14m and 19m long (the exact length is uncertain because one end of the structure was underneath an unexcavated baulk), oriented with the long axis roughly north-south.  A shallow slot running part way across the structure east-west may be the foundation slot for a beam supporting an internal partition that would have separated off a smaller chamber at the northern end.  No traces of any timbers remained (Kemp 1996 p 27-31).

A second group of post-bases and slots was interpreted as another rectangular structure 5.5m wide and at least 13m long  (only 13m was excavated, so the actual length is unknown), oriented with its long axis east-west (Structure 2). Like Structure 1, there was a crossways slot part-way across the structure, consistent with an internal partition separating off a smaller chamber at one end (in this case the east end).  Four coins dated to approximately 700-735 were found in the fill of the slot, indicating that the timber was removed and the slot filled some time after this period.

A third possible structure was represented by a single line of post-bases with a blank area adjacent; if the post-bases represent one wall and the blank area the building interior , the structure would also have been 5.5 m wide and at least 11m long, with the long axis east-west.  The area where the western wall would have been had been extensively disturbed, which would have destroyed any traces.  However, the area where the east wall would have been had not been so disturbed and no traces of a wall were seen, so this may not be a structure (Kemp 1996 p 34).

Other groups of slots and post-holes may represent the remains of more structures, but the traces were too fragmentary to interpret (Kemp 1996 p 36-37).

Dating

All of these possible structures, the curving ditch and the rubbish pits were sealed underneath an extensive charcoal-rich layer, indicating that they all belong to the same period.

Dating evidence is limited.  Some artefacts could date to the mid to late seventh century, and the earliest coins found on the site date to the early eighth century (approximately 700-735). Coins of an earlier type from the period between 670 and 700 were absent. The findings are consistent with a foundation date for the Fishergate settlement in the late seventh or very early eighth century (Kemp 1996 p 66). Pottery types characteristic of the late ninth and tenth century, which are abundant on the Coppergate site elsewhere in York, were almost absent from the Fishergate site, suggesting that the site at Fishergate was not occupied during this period (Kemp 1996 p 83). The settlement may have shifted to Coppergate in the mid ninth century, abandoning the Fishergate site.  It has also been suggested that the site at Fishergate replaced an earlier (mid sixth to mid seventh century) settlement further west on the same gravel moraine at Heslington Hill (Spall and Toop 2008).

Finds

Finds from the Fishergate site included ironsmithing slag, debris from copper- and lead-working, woodworking and leatherworking tools, and bones from beaver and pine marten consistent with preparation for furs (Kemp 1996 p 71).Food remains included animal bone (mainly cattle), fish bones, barley, wheat, rye, apples, sloes, hazelnuts, eggs and possibly peas (Kemp 1996 p 71). Sherds of Ipswich-ware pottery indicate contact with East Anglia, and fragments of stone were identified from Cumbria, Wensleydale, Swaledale and the Yorkshire Wolds (Kemp 1996 p 72-73). Lava querns for grinding grain into flour and pottery sherds imported from Germany and northern France/the Low Countries indicate contact across the North Sea (Kemp 1996 p 73).

Size
The Fishergate excavation represents part of a larger settlement, but the size of the settlement is unknown (Kemp 1996 p 75).  It was hypothesised that the settlement could extend along the east bank of the River Foss, perhaps covering 10-25 hectares, maybe as much as 65 hectares, which would be comparable with known eighth-century manufacturing and trading sites at Ipswich, London and Hamwic (near Southampton) (Kemp 1996 p 75-77; Tweddle et al 1999 p 193).  However, recent excavations at Fishergate House and Blue Bridge Lane, just south of the 46-54 Fishergate site, suggest much lower density of occupation in this area, and the Fishergate settlement is now suggested to be much smaller than originally thought, perhaps 4 hectares or so (Spall and Toop 2005).

Interpretation

The debris in the ditch and rubbish pit fills indicates that the 46-54 Fishergate site was concerned with various crafts, including textiles, fur production and the working of leather, wood, bone, antler and various metals including iron, lead and copper.  The length of gold wire (someone must have cursed when they realised they had lost that!) may indicate that precious metals were also worked on the site, perhaps making jewellery.  The pottery and stone from elsewhere in Britain and overseas suggests that Fishergate had regional and international contacts.  The most obvious interpretation is of Fishergate as a centre of manufacturing and trade in the eighth century, a smaller version of the known manufacturing and trading sites (wics) known at Ipswich, London and Hamwic near Southampton (Kemp 1996 p 64). 

The curving boundary ditch, which was dug and the site then apparently left uninhabited for a year or more, may indicate that the Fishergate settlement was deliberately planned and marked out as a site for development before the actual settlement was built.  This would be consistent with some sort of ‘official’ planned development, perhaps by a landowner who marked out the site and then permitted/ persuaded people to move into it and establish craft workshops and dwellings.  The animal bones were less diverse than those typically found on self-sufficient rural village sites such as West Stow, which may suggest that the food supply at Fishergate was restricted, perhaps provided or controlled by a central authority (Kemp 1996 p 74). This is consistent with the possibility that Fishergate was a specialist manufacturing/trading centre controlled by a lord, who provided its inhabitants with access to a restricted range of food, perhaps obtained as food rents from other sites (Kemp 1996 p 74).

York was called Eoforwic or Eoforwiccastre in Old English (Eoforwic was later turned into Jorvik by Norse speakers, and then further shortened over time to eventually become the modern name of York).  The –wic element in place names is commonly associated with sites engaged in trading and/or specialist production, which would fit the evidence from the Fishergate excavation very well.

An account of the Life of St Liudger refers to a colony of Frisian traders based in York in the early eighth century (Kemp 1996 p 65). This would fit well with the suggested foundation date for Fishergate, and the imported material at Fishergate from across the North Sea in Germany, northern France and the Low Countries.

If Fishergate was only about 4 hectares in size as recently suggested, this is much smaller than known –wic sites such as Ipswich or Hamwic (about one-tenth the size).  This may suggest that it was a different type of site – perhaps a foreign enclave, established especially for the early eighth-century Frisian traders mentioned in the Life of St Liudger?  Or perhaps it was intended to be bigger and for some reason did not develop to the same size as Ipswich or Hamwic.  Or the Fishergate site could be one of several sites scattered in and around Roman York.  Various traces of possible structures and pits have been identified in and around the Roman city (Tweddle et al 1999 p 191-199). The traces are generally insubstantial and the date range wide (often no closer than some time between the Roman and Anglo-Scandinavian periods), so it is impossible to say whether these represent other settlements contemporary with the Fishergate site or traces of habitation from different periods, perhaps shifting from place to place.  If there were several small contemporary settlements, could they have added up between them to something resembling a London-sized –wic, but that for some reason was dispersed across multiple sites?

Conclusion

The Fishergate site provides clear evidence for domestic occupation, craft working and regional and international trade on a substantial scale from approximately the late seventh century to approximately the mid ninth century.  By this time York has reappeared in the historical records as a royal and ecclesiastical centre (see earlier post on the documentary evidence) and as the location for a group of Frisian traders mentioned in the Life of St Liudger.  It would make sense for an important royal and ecclesiastical centre to have a trading and manufacturing population nearby to do the work and provide necessary goods.  The levying of tolls and/or taxation on trade and manufacture may have also made a substantial contribution to the economy, especially if Fishergate was part of a larger settlement or a component of a network of related sites dispersed around the environs of the Roman city of York.

Since York evidently had royal and ecclesiastical significance by 627 when King Edwin (Eadwine) of Northumbria chose the city for his baptism and built a church there (Bede Book II Ch. 14), it seems likely that there was also a working population in the area. If the suggested foundation date for Fishergate is correct, such a population was not based there in the early seventh century. If Fishergate was indeed a newly established planned settlement, it may have replaced one or more earlier sites in the vicinity that carried out some of the same sorts of activity. Developing a new site to do something that already happens locally, perhaps on a larger or more organised scale, is an easier proposition than starting from scratch.  The suggested mid-sixth to mid-seventh century settlement at Heslington Hill may represent such an earlier site.  Some of the sites represented by the other fragmentary remains in York that have not been closely dated may also belong to the seventh century, and other sites may have existed that have not (yet) been identified, but (obviously, unless further evidence turns up) this cannot be substantiated*. 

References

Bede, Ecclesiastical history of the English people.  Translated by Leo Sherley-Price.  Penguin Classics, 1968, ISBN 0-14-044565-X.
Kemp RL. Anglian settlement at 46-54 Fishergate. Council for British Archaeology/York Archaeological Trust, 1996. ISBN 1-872414-70-2.
Spall C, Toop N. Blue Bridge Lane and Fishergate House. Excavation Period 3: Anglian settlement. 2005. Available online
Spall C, Toop N. Before Eoforwic: new light on York in the 6th and 7th centuries. Medieval Archaeology 2008;52. Abstract available online
Tweddle D, Moulden J, Logan E. Anglian York: a survey of the evidence. Council for British Archaeology/York Archaeological Trust, 1999. ISBN 1-902771-06-0.

 

*Paths of Exile is set in 605-606, much earlier than the date suggested for Fishergate.  My speculation is that ad hoc seasonal trading was already established near the Roman fortress at York long before the Fishergate settlement was founded.  The river and anything that remained of the Roman harbour infrastructure would have offered a convenient site for traders from across the North Sea to arrive in the summer with goods to buy and sell, especially if (as I also speculate) the old Roman fortress was still a royal power centre and thus a likely market for luxury imports.  My speculation  is that the York area also formed a convenient site for local seasonal trading fairs where agricultural and craft produce could be exchanged, the sort of place where farmers and part-time craft-workers might trade a sack of grain for a new cauldron, or a couple of piglets for a dagger, or a length of woven cloth for a colourful new brooch or string of beads, perhaps under the protection of a local lord who could provide some sort of security so that one could be reasonably confident of not being mugged at market (although what happened on the way home may have been another matter).  I have placed Eoforwic in 605 at the site of a (fictional) nobleman’s hall on the opposite side of the River Foss to Fishergate, between the Rivers Foss and Ouse and south of the Roman fortress.

Cousins at war: Ecgfrith of Northumbria and Bridei son of Beli

In 685, Ecgfrith of Northumbria and Bridei son of Beli, King of the Picts, fought a decisive battle which resulted in Ecgfrith’s defeat and death and an end to Northumbrian ambitions in Pictland. Historia Brittonum adds the intriguing detail that Ecgfrith and Bridei were cousins. How might that be so?

Evidence

Historia Brittonum

Egfrid is he who made war against his cousin Brudei, king of the Picts, and he fell therein with all the strength of his army and the Picts with their king gained the victory; and the Saxons never again reduced the Picts so as to exact tribute from them. Since the time of this war it is called Gueithlin Garan

--Historia Brittonum ch. 57, available online

Brudei, Brude, Bruide, Bride, Bridei are all alternative spellings; Egfrid is an alternative spelling of Ecgfrith.

The Latin text is:

echfrid ipse est qui fecit bellum contra fratruelem suum, qui erat rex pictorum nomine birdei et ibi corruit cum omni robore exercitus sui et picti cum rege suo uictores extiterunt et numquam addiderunt saxones ambronum ut a pictis uectigal exigerunt. a tempore istius belli uocatur gueith lin garan.

--Historia Brittonum ch. 57, Latin text available online

In the original Latin, the term translated into English as ‘cousin’ is ‘fratruelem’. Wikipedia says that this is a specific term meaning ‘maternal first cousin’, i.e. indicating that Ecgfrith and Bridei were the sons of two sisters. I have also seen definitions saying that it can mean that they were the sons of two brothers; it’s unclear to me whether the term can also extend to sons of two siblings, i.e. sons of a sister and a brother.

Pictish Chronicle

Bride filius File .xx. annis regnauit.
[...]
Tolorcan filius Enfret .iiii. annis regnauit.

--Pictish Chronicle, available online

File is an alternative spelling of Beli or Bile. Enfret is an alternative spelling of Eanferth.

Annals of Ulster

642 Afterwards Domnall Brec was slain at the end of the year, in December, in the battle of Srath Caruin, by Hoan, king of the Britons

686. The battle of Dún Nechtain was fought on Saturday, May 20th, and Egfrid son of Oswy, king of the Saxons, who had completed the 15th year of his reign, was slain therein with a great body of his soldiers
722 Mael Corgais from Druim Ing, and Bile son of Eilphín, king of Ail Cluaithe, die.
693. Bruide son of Bile, king of Foirtriu, dies

--Annals of Ulster available online

Strathclyde genealogy

Run map arthgal map Dumnagual map Riderch map Eugein map Dumnagual map Teudebur map Beli map Elfin map Eugein map Beli map Neithon map Guipno map Dumngual hen map Cinuit map Ceritic guletic …

--Harleian genealogies, available online

In an Irish Life of St Adamnan, Bridei is described as “son of the king of Dumbarton” (according to Tim Clarkson’s website Senchus). Dumbarton, also known as Alt Clud (“Rock of Clyde”), was an important centre for the kingdom of Strathclyde.

There are two Belis to choose from in the Strathclyde genealogy. Beli map Neithon appears in the middle of the list. His son Eugein (a variant spelling of Owain) may be the ‘Hoan King of the Britons’ recorded as having won the battle of Strath Carron in 642 in the Annals of Ulster. This date is consistent with Beli having lived in the early-to-mid seventh century (since he had an adult son in 642). If correct, it is in turn possible that Beli could also have fathered a son who was adult in 685.

Another Beli, Beli map Elfin, appears three generations later, but he died in 722 according to the Annals of Ulster and so cannot be the Beli who was the father of Bridei.

Bede

For in the following year [685], King Egfrid [...] rashly led an army to ravage the province of the Picts. The enemy pretended to retreat and lured the king into narrow mountain passes, where he was killed with the greater part of his forces on the twentieth of May in his fortieth year and the fifteenth of his reign.

--Bede, Ecclesiastical History, Book IV Ch.26

Bede does not say who Ecgfrith’s mother was. As Ecgfrith was around 40 in 685, he was born in around 645. His father Oswy married Eanflaed, daughter of Eadwine of Deira/Northumbria some time before 651, because Bede recounts a story about a miracle performed by Bishop Aidan (who died in August 651) about Eanflaed’s voyage to Northumbria (Bede, Ecclesiastical History Book III ch. 15). It seems likely (although not certain) that Ecgfrith was the son of Oswy and Eanflaed, since Ecgfrith appears to have succeeded Oswy without opposition, and a son of Oswy (of the royal house of Bernicia) and Eanflaed (of the royal house of Deira) would have had a strong claim.

If Ecgfrith was the son of Oswy of Bernicia and Eanflaed of Deira, how could he have been a cousin to Bridei, son of Beli of Strathclyde and king of the Picts?

Scenario (a): through an unrecorded daughter of Eadwine


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This scenario postulates that Eadwine had another daughter, unrecorded, who married Beli ap Neithon of Strathclyde and became the mother of Bridei. This hypothetical daughter would be the sister or half-sister of Eanflaed, making Bridei and Ecgfrith the sons of two sisters or maternal first cousins. In its favour, this scenario fits the use of the term ‘fratruelem’.

It has several disadvantages. First, if Bridei had two non-Pictish parents (father king of Strathclyde, mother a Northumbrian princess), where did his claim to be king of the Picts come from? One possible resolution to this problem is to suggest that Beli of Strathclyde may have had Pictish ancestry and that this was the source of Bridei’s claim. Another is to suggest that Bridei’s mother had Pictish ancestry and Bridei’s claim came through her. A maternal claim would fit with the hypothesis that the Pictish royal succession had at least some matrilineal component (discussed in an earlier post). If one postulates that Eadwine married or had a liaison with a lady of the Pictish female royal line (‘X’ in hypothetical family tree (a) above), then matrilineal succession would mean that the sons of this union were eligible for the Pictish kingship via their mother. What about the daughters? If the daughters were eligible to be mothers of future kings of the Picts, then a daughter of Eadwine and X would be able to pass a claim to the Pictish kingship to her son (the grandson of X through the female line). By this mechanism, a daughter of Eadwine and a Pictish royal lady could bear a son (Bridei) who would be eligible to be considered as king of the Picts. This relies on matriliny operating over two generations, so that as well as the sons of a Pictish royal lady being eligible for the Pictish kingship, the sons of her daughters were also eligible. This doesn’t sound implausible, but as far as I know there is absolutely no evidence for it.

A second disadvantage is that as far as I know there is no evidence to suggest that Eadwine had any dealings with the Picts, either friendly or hostile.

Scenario (b): through a marriage between Oswald and an unrecorded sister of Beli


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This scenario postulates that Oswy’s brother Oswald married an unrecorded sister of Beli of Strathclyde. In its favour, it introduces no difficulty with Bridei’s claim to the Pictish kingship, as it makes no assumptions about Bridei’s mother and therefore she could have been a lady of the Pictish royal line whose sons were eligible for the Pictish kingship. Oswald was in exile among the Scots of Dal Riada (roughly modern Argyll) from 617 to 633 or 634. A marriage with the neighbouring kingdom of Strathclyde during this period of exile would make reasonable sense, either as an alliance between Oswald’s hosts in Dal Riada and their neighbours across the Clyde, or as an alliance between Oswald in his own right and an ally who he may have seen as a potential source of support for his own claims to Northumbria, or a bit of both.

Against it, this scenario makes Ecgfrith and Bridei cousins only by marriage, with Ecgfrith’s uncle Oswald marrying Bridei’s (hypothetical) aunt. This may not have counted as ‘fratruelem’, depending on how the author of Historia Brittonum used the term.

Scenario (c): through an unrecorded sister of Oswy


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This scenario postulates that Oswy had an unrecorded sister or half-sister, daughter of Aetheferth of Bernicia and his wife Bebba (or another lady), and that this unrecorded sister married Beli of Strathclyde and gave birth to Bridei.

In its favour, this scenario would make Ecgfrith and Bridei the sons of a brother and a sister (or half-sister), which would make them first cousins and could be consistent with the term ‘fratruelem’ if it extended to include children of siblings of either sex. Eanflaed and Oswy’s (hypothetical) unrecorded sister would have been sisters-in-law. Depending on how in-laws were viewed, the writer of Historia Brittonum may have considered them sisters and thus their sons as ‘fratruelem’ even if the term was meant specifically to mean sons of two sisters.

It has the same disadvantage as the first one mentioned for scenario (a) above: the source of Bridei’s claim to the Pictish kingship if he had two non-Pictish parents. As above, a possible resolution to this problem is to postulate that Bebba was a lady of the Pictish royal family, and that Pictish matriliny extended for two generations so that the sons of her daughter were eligible for the Pictish kingship. There is a slight straw of evidence that might support this, as Bede says that one of Aethelferth’s sons, Eanferth, lived in exile among the Picts. This would be consistent with a connection between Eanferth and the Pictish royal family, which would fit with Eanferth being the son of a Pictish lady.

Scenario (d): through Eanferth’s Pictish marriage


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Aethelferth’s son Eanferth, brother or half-brother of Oswy and Oswald, appears in the Pictish king-list as the father of a Pictish king, Talorcan. If the Picts followed a form of matrilineal succession to the kingship, the logical implication is that Eanferth married a lady of the Pictish royal family while he was in exile among the Picts. This scenario postulates that Eanferth and his Pictish wife also had an unnamed daughter, sister of the Pictish king Talorcan, and that she married Beli of Strathclyde and was the mother of Bridei.

In its favour, this hypothesis fits easily with Bridei’s claim to be king of the Picts. In this scenario, Bridei would be the maternal nephew of a previous king of the Picts, Talorcan, a likely candidate for the kingship.

Against it, under this scenario Bridei and Ecgfrith would be second cousins a generation apart, which may not have counted as ‘fratruelem’, depending on how the author of Historia Brittonum used the term.

Interpretation

Any of these scenarios is possible, and they all have advantages and disadvantages. No doubt there are other possibilities as well.

Scenario (a) relies on Eadwine having married into the Pictish female royal line, on an unrecorded daughter from such a marriage who then married Beli of Strathclyde, and Pictish matriliny extending for two generations. It is possible that Eadwine’s wanderings in exile “through all the kingdoms of Britain” extended to the Pictish lands and a romantic entanglement and/or dynastic marriage. However, despite the obvious romantic appeal of such a notion, there is nothing in Bede or Historia Brittonum to support any involvement of Eadwine in Pictish affairs. One might imagine that if Eadwine had had ties with Pictish royalty close enough to involve marriage and/or children, he would have had dealings with the Picts and at least some would have been recorded (though the sources are so patchy that this does not necessarily follow).

Scenario (b) relies on a distant connection by marriage being sufficient for the writer of Historia Brittonum to consider Ecgfrith and Bridei cousins. This is possible, if the relationships had become obscured by then (Historia Brittonum was written well over a century after the events, although it may have drawn on earlier sources), or if the writer was using the term ‘fratruelem’ loosely. However, the writer presumably chose the term for a reason, and could equally well have chosen a term for a distant relationship if that was what was meant.

I prefer (c) or (d), as these two scenarios both rely on connections between the Pictish and Northumbrian royal families for which there is some evidence. Bede is clear that Eanferth lived in exile among the Picts and the Pictish king-list is clear that he was the father of a Pictish king. Scenario (d) relies on Eanferth’s Pictish marriage having also produced an unrecorded daughter who then married Beli of Strathclyde, and on the writer of Historia Brittonum using the term ‘fratruelem’ loosely to include second cousins; (c) relies on Eanferth’s mother having been a Pictish royal female, on an unrecorded daughter (sister of Eanferth) who married Beli of Strathclyde, and Pictish matriliny extending for two female generations. Of the two I have a slight preference for (c), because it makes Ecgfrith and Bridei first rather than second cousins, and because if Eanferth had Pictish ancestry it provides a context for his Pictish exile (if he already had family connections there through his mother) and his Pictish marriage.

References

Annals of Ulster available online

Bede. Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Translated by Leo Sherley-Price, Penguin Classics, 1968, ISBN 0-14-044565-X

Harleian genealogies, available online

--Historia Brittonum ch. 57, translation available online; Latin text available online

Pictish Chronicle, available online

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